IGNOU FREE SOLVED Assignments - EPS-11 -TMA- (2019-20)


Course Code: EPS-11
Assignment Code: ASST/TMA/2019-20
  • Total Marks: 100
  • Answer all questions. Try to answer in your own words.
  • (A) DCQ: Answer the following in about 500 words each.
  • Q. 1. Write an essay on the different dimensions of globalisation. .
  • Ans. Globalisation refers to a process which makes the whole world into a globe. There are different dimensions of globalisation and they are given below :-
  • 1)         Economic Globalisation :-Economic globalisation, today in the current context means the homogenization of prices, products, wages, rates of interest and profits to become the same all over. Under the pretext of free markets, transparency and flexibility, the so-called ‘electronic herd’ moves vast amounts of capital in and out of countries to the political and economic advantage of the western countries wishing to attract foreign capital and gain the benefit of today’s and tomorrow’s technology.
  • 2)         Political globalisation: In political terms, globalisation means reordering of the nation-states in a manner that adheres to global integration. The sovereignty of nation-states is expected to be subsequent to that of the global order. A global state order is supposed to be the desired goal. Marginalization of the nation-state is the biggest challenge in the process of globalisation of the world.
  • The globalisation of world is upheld in a complex system of laws and regulations. The regulatory regimes of the IMF, the World Bank and the other international finance institutions (IFIs), the GATT and WTO are fast emerging as a new world government for enforcing uniform policies, obligations and conditionality’s around the world. These institutions are critical in perfecting this system, which the individual nation-states are abide by. Another important political dimension of the process is that national governments are being constantly pressed to alter their own laws so as to make them more compatible with the emerging system of global governance. The objections of the weak nation-states to the regulatory regimes of institutions such as the IMF, the World Bank or the WTO, seldom matter.
  • 3)         Globalisation and Culture :-Another major area in understanding the process of globalisation is culture. Globalization, in its fundamental sense, also means Universalisation of values. Universalisation of values must be understood at variance with universal values. Universalisation of values presupposes that there is a certain kind of global order towards which all the values, practices and traditions of varied nations, regions and localities must be mounded. Globalisation seeks to build upon absolute homogenization of values and cultures. Cultural globalisation constantly seeks to integrate local and national cultures with global culture mainly dominated by the West. When we look at cultural globalisation in connection with economic globalisation, it becomes clear that the expansion of the capitalist market hinges on the integration of local markets facilitated by the global transformation of local cultures.
  • Q. 2. Critically appraise and give an overview of Marxism.  
  • Ans. Marxism has been subjected to severe criticism. It has simplified the class division of society into two classes, the haves and the have not’s. This is far from the reality. Society is very complex and is divided into numerous groups. There is no clear cut division of classes as envisaged by Marxism. Moreover, there exists a huge middle class. Marxian thinkers predicted that with the advancement of capitalism, the middle class would disappear and merge with the proletariat class. But this has not happened so far and there is no possibility of it ever happening. In fact, the reverse has happened; the middle class has strengthened its position and increased its size. Marxists also predicted the narrowing of the capitalist class. Here again, just the opposite has happened. Instead of shrinking, the base of the capitalist class has been enlarged. Marx predicted the accumulation of capital, but there has been the dispersal of capital. The condition of the proletariat class has not deteriorated as predicted by Marx. Thus, the actual working of the capitalist system has proved the Marxist theory of classes to be wrong.
  • Marxist’s had predicted that the inherent contradictions of capitalism would lead to its collapse. But this has not happened so far. According to Marx, the proletarian revolution will occur only when capitalism has matured. There is no chance of proletarian revolution occurring and succeeding in a backward feudal society. But this has exactly happened in reality. Revolution takes place only in feudal societies such as Russia, China, Vietnam, Cuba etc.
  • The Marxian theory of economic determinism has been severely criticized. It is not only the economic factor, but other factors also that are equally important in bringing about social change. The Marxian concepts of the dictatorship of the proletariat and communism suffer from several flaws. The socialist state wherever it has been established, has either been overthrown or discredited. Wherever, it is still surviving, it has been compelled to introduce wide ranging change, which do not confirm to the teachings of classical Marxism. Marxism as an ideology has definitely lost its edge, but it has not become totally redundant. As long as exploitation will continue, people will be oppressed and suppressed, Marxism will remain relevant.
  • Marxism as an approach will continue to be used by scholars for social analysis and the exploited-oppressed people will continue to espouse Marxist philosophy for their emancipation. Here, Marxism will never become irrelevant. It will always provide an alternative philosophy to liberalism. Marxism will also acts as effective check on the excesses of liberalism. It will mitigate and rigors of the capitalist system.
(B) MCQ: Answer the following in about 250 words each.
Q. 3. Describe the essence of Socialist Democracy.
Ans. There are four basic tendencies of socialism which indicates the essence of socialism democracy.
1)         ‘Egalitarianism’ is the first tendency, which is the classical principle of socialism. The dominant notion of equality culminates in a conception of community. Politically, egalitarianism obviously demands complete democracy, but democracy in its simple, classical, unitary sense, without enduring party divisions.
2)         ‘Moralism’ the next tendency, constitutes the Christian principle of socialism; that is, it stresses on high ideals which seek to bring justice by replacing enmity with mutual help, and fostering feelings of brotherly love and understandings among human beings.
3)         ‘Rationalism’ is the third tendency, in representing the principle of Englightment. Here, the chief values are individual happiness, reason, knowledge, efficiency in production and the rational purposeful organisation of human society in the interest of progress.
4)         ‘Libertarianism’ which could be termed the romantic principle of socialism, is the last the basic tendencies in the sense that it is extreme and radical among socialist principles. It centres on the ideal freedom, in the sense of total absence of restraint, internal and external.
Thus, these above four tendencies of socialism, which also reflect the essence of socialist democracy.
Q. 4. Examine the modern notion of citizenship.
Ans. The growing influence of liberalism in the nineteenth century and the development of capitalist market relations, however, saw the classical republication understanding of citizenship slip to the background. The modern notion of citizenship seeks to constitute free and equal citizens. This freedom and equality, which underlies modern citizenship, is sought to be achieved by eliminating ascriptive inequalities and difference (of culture, caste, gender, race etc.). Thus, citizens are conceived as bearing rights and exercising their rights equally with other citizens.
The generalisation of modern citizenship across the social structure means that all persons are equal before the law and no group is legally privileged. Understood in this manner, citizenship is an inclusive category. It regards all differences (of race, class, caste, gender religion etc.) as irrelevant in order to create free and equal citizens.
Limitations :- The provision of citizenship across social structures without regard to differences, may in effect, mean overlooking actually existing inequalities. Thus, whereas, formal legal equality may be assured by the liberal framework, this equality is unlikely to translate itself into substantive equality, unless the practical ability to exercise rights or legal capacities imparted by citizenship, are actually available to all.
New contexts and changing concerns Multiculturalism : Till most of the twentieth century, the dominant understanding of citizenship continued to place the individual at its core, and citizenship was seen as legal status indicating the possession of rights which an individual held equally with others. Since the nineteen eighties multiculturalism, plurality, diversity and difference have become significant terms of reference in thinking about citizenship. Given that modern societies are increasingly being recognised as multicultural, the dominant liberal understanding of the idea of citizenship has been opened up for debate. The specific contexts, cultural, religious, ethnic, linguistic etc. of citizens are now seen as determining citizenship insignificant ways.
Q. 5. Examine David Bentham’s critique of Max Weber.
Ans. Max Weber’s categorization of authority systems is considered a significant contribution to understanding legitimacy of political systems and patterns of rule in modern times, especially the manner in which modern forms of authority are different from the traditional, political Scientists Like David Beetham point out, however, that Weber’s three legitimating ideas, while helping us understood what is distinctive about modern as opposed to the pre-modern systems of authority, are inadequate for characterizing the different regimes types which have existed in the course of the twentieth century.
Unlike Weber who would try and fit regimes into three typologies, or alternatively, see regimes as mixtures of two types. Beetham prefers a broad framework for understanding the processes and grounds of obedience. His framework consists of three levels or standards for understanding political authority, Political authority is legitimate, says Beetham, to the extent that : - (a) it is acquired and exercised according to established rules (legality) : -(b) the rules are justified according to socially accepted benefits about (1) the rightful source of authority, and (2) the proper ends and standards of government (normative justifiability) and (c) the position of authority is confirmed by express consent or the affirmation of appropriate subordinates, and by recognition from other legitimate authorities.
Beetham feels that such a framework fills in another inadequacy of Weber’s analysis. It enables us to understand why people resist, or the circumstances in which political change occurs through challenges to political authority by popular protest and unrest. Seeing legitimacy, as Weber did, as nothing more than a ‘belief in legitimacy’ focuses attention only on determination of legitimacy from the vantage point of those in power. Beetham’s framework on the other hand, highlights the processes through which the ruled give or withhold recognition and obedience.
Q. 6. Examine the inter-relationship of democracy and civil society.
Ans. Democracy and civil society are inseparably related to each other. A healthy liberal democracy needs the support of a vibrant civil society.
In recent years, there are several scholars who have developed this democracy civil society relation in various models of democracy. The existence of civil society also indicates the extent of democracy in a society, viz., and formal democracy like elections, multi-party system or a democratic constitution. It also means, at the same time, existence of democratic norms and values like coexistence of differences along with tolerance of each other’s culture and views. According to Gellner, the institutional notion of democracy is less comprehensive than that of civil society. Civil society is an arena of contestation and debate.
A new generation of neo – Toequevillians, the most prominent amongst whom is Robert Putnam, have since the 1990s revived the concept of civil society as the bedrock of democracy. Putnam popularized a concept called “social capital” which stands for “features of social organisations such as trust, norms and networks.” The linkage between democracy and social capital takes off from one of Putnam’s famous study of the varying performances of local governments across North and South Italy.
(C) SCQ: Write a note on the following in about 100 words each.
Q. 7. Nature of early Indian Political Thought.
Ans. Till recently, many scholars were of the opinion that India did not contribute anything to the evolution of political thought. It was believed that political thought in ancient India, if there was any, was at best a part of Hindu philosophy or Hindu religion. But if we look at the notion of political in various available sources, it is clear that ancient Indian thinkers did have a notion of political distinct from either philosophy or religion.
The confusion arises because of the large number of parallel terms used in ancient India for politics. There were several names – ‘Raj dharma’ which means duties of ruler, ‘Kshatra Vidya’, the knowledge that the ruler should have, ‘Rajyasastra’ means science of state, ‘Dandaniti’, the ethics of awarding punishment, ‘Nitisastra’, science of ethics regulating the lives of both the ruler and the ruled, and ‘Arthasastra’, the art of acquisition and maintenance of land. In ancient India, we have a term equivalent to the western concept of state of nature. It is called ‘Matsyanaya’, the state of big fish devouring the small, it explains state of affairs in absence of force or danda. For Bhiku Parekh, Hindu political thinkers conceptualized political life in terms of two central concepts namely, dharma and danda. Both are depend on each other. 
Q. 8. Politics as a practical activity.
Ans. Politics as a practical activity is the discourse and the struggle over organisation of human possibilities. As such, it is about power; that is to say; it is about the capacity of social agents, agencies and institutions to maintain or transform their environment, social and physical. It is about the resources, which under pin the capacity, and about the forces that shape and influence it exercise. Accordingly, politics is a phenomena found in all groups, institutions and societies, cutting across private and public life. It is expressed in all the relations, institutions and structures that are implicated in the production and reproduction of the life of societies. Politics creates and conditions all aspects of our lives and it is at the core of the development of collective problems, and the modes of their resolutions.

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