IGNOU solve Assignments Course Code: EPS-15/Asst/TMA/2019-20


Course Code: EPS-15
Assignment Code: EPS-15/Asst/TMA/2019-20
Total Marks: 100
Answer questions in each category. Answer in your own words.

(A) DCQ: Answer any two of the following in about 500 words each.
Q.2.What prompted India to go nuclear? Highlight the main elements of India’s nuclear doctrine.
Ans. Indian nuclear policy as it came to be formulated in the early years, revolved around two principles, and these prompted India to go nuclear. These principles are – (1) promotion of research and development for harnessing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes and attainment of self sufficiency in the nuclear programme. The key architects of this policy were Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Hori Bhaba. Based on these principles India designed a three stage nuclear strategy.
The main elements of India’s nuclear doctrine were – (1) building of heavy water moderated reactors which could produce power as well as plutonium need to start the breeder reactors; (2) Utilizing the plutonium produced from the first stage reactors in the fast breeder. This stage was to continue until suitable thorium-uranium 233 reactors become available; and (3) to run the II type of breeders on the thorium-uranium 233 cycles.
The Sino-Indian war of 1962 and the India debate in the war brought in some rethinking about defense policy. However, the direction that defense rebuilding took was essentially in the arena of conventional weapons systems. The detonation of the Chinese nuclear weapon in 1964 led the Indian decision makers to look at the nuclear option. The decisions of 1964 were followed by a protracted debate on the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Both Shastri and Hori Bhaba died in 1966. The early years of India Gandhi’s Prime Ministerial tenure saw a lot of political uncertainty in India. At the level of technological capabilities, there remained some uncertainty in India.
In the early years of Seventies, India nuclear agenda began to take a definitive direction. In September 1971, the Chairman of the India AEC announced at the Fourth Atoms for Peace Conference that India had been working, on top priority basis, in the field of nuclear explosive engineering for peaceful purposes. India conducted its first nuclear test in 1974 at Pokhran In Rajasthan. This was an underground test. This test has been called a peaceful Nuclear Explosion (PNE) as its purpose was to pursue research in peaceful application of nuclear technology and not construct a bomb.
It was after the nuclear test in 1974 that India finally developed a coherent nuclear doctrine to suit the changed circumstances. The test had demonstrated the Indian capability of producing a nuclear explosion. India now had the raw materials, the scientific and technological know-how and the personnel to construct an atomic bomb. What remained in question was the intent, India made it clear that this test was not conducted for production of nuclear weapon and that India had no intention of going in for nuclear weapons. At the policy level, the earlier Shastri position of peaceful uses of nuclear energy with a go ahead for research in PNE was now further expanded. The test did not divert Indian stand on nuclear disarmament and peace policy. By conducting the peaceful nuclear explosion, India demonstrated its capability to produce a nuclear bomb. But it simultaneously stated that it would not produce a nuclear bomb. This created a serve of uncertainty about India’s real intentions. It is because of this that one can describe Indian policy as being a deliberately vague nuclear posture. This was to remain the basis of Indian nuclear policy for a long time.
This underwent a change in the early nineties following some important initiatives taken by the nuclear weapons states, namely to indefinitely extend the NPT in 1995, to sign the comprehensive Test Bank Treaty in 1996 and begin discussions on the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty. Nuclear debate in India in the first half of the nineties focused on the need to enhance nuclear capability. On 11 and 13 May 1998 India conducted series of tests at Pokhran, India declared that it was now a nuclear weapon power. The Indira Gandhi line about a deliberately vague nuclear doctrine had been continued by successive Congress governments of Rajiv Gandhi and P.V. Narsimha Rao.

Q.3.Environment degradation a human security threat in South Asia? Explain. 
Ans. Environment has multifold implications for security-regional, non-military and human security. It can also potentially lead to conflict between Communities and states, as a result of spillover effects of pollution and competition over scarce resources.
Environment degradation poses a threat to human security and national security in South Asia by increasing the prospect of conflict. Environmental issues become identified as threats to international or regional security when they undermine the social, economic and ecological health and well-being of neighbouring counties. Environmental stress creates a condition where political processes are unable to handle its effects resulting in political upheavals and military violence.
Environmental degradation also has human security implications. It can represent a direct threat to individuals-through the effects of pollution, ill health and vulnerability to natural disasters. It can represent a threat to the coherence and stability of communities by undermining their capacity to operate a productive communities, or their capacity for the provision of public services. Poverty, injustice, environmental degradation and conflict interact in complex and potent ways. Climate changes, marginalization of sections of population due to desertification, deforestation, or displacement of people as refuges, as in Bangladesh, deforestation in Nepal, resulting in mass movement of population to India exemplify human security issues.
The problems of South-Asian countries present a grim scenario of environmental resources exploitation because of accompanying increase in population, poverty along with educated unemployed youths resulting social chaos and political instability. While there is a great deal of effort for growth and development adverse trends in economy, inadequate development policies, inequities in multiracial and multi-ethnic societies complicate the linkage between environment, development, security and conflict making the region more complex and insecure.
Environmental conflicts often manifest themselves as political, social, economic, religious or territorial conflicts, or conflicts over resources or national interests, or any other type of conflict. They are traditional conflicts induced by an environmental degradation. Environmental conflicts are characterized by principal importance of degradation in one or more of the following fields. Overuse of renewable resources; overstrain of the environment’s sink capacity (pollution); or impoverishment of the space of living.
Water has been a major source of regional discord. Pollution of rivers, inland water bodies and seas is on the rise. Pollution can contribute to secondary social problems as migration beyond national boundaries damages food production and human health resulting in scarcities to induce conflict. Thus, at the regional levels South-Asian nations need to arrest the processes of ecological damage and to preserve peace, security and develop the human resource potential of South Asia in consonance with environmental resources.

(B)MCQ: Answer any four of the following in about 250 words each.
Q.6.Write a note on the condition of human rights issue in South Asia. 
Ans. Though many of the countries in South Asia share an experience of common colonial legacy, they have different condition and problems in securing human rights or human rights issue.
To find out the main issues of human rights in South Asia region, firstly we need to examine the similarities between the countries in the region, which shape South Asia as a region and later dissimilarities, which explain the levels of difference in experiencing their rights. India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives all had experienced anti-colonial struggles. They have inherited the consciousness of the civil liberties. The development of human rights consciousness always hinges upon the development of civil society which acts as countervailing force to the authority of state.
The situation manifested differently in different countries of the region. In India, it resulted in the imposition of emergency during Indira Gandhi period in the 1970s. Subsequently with the state institutions like political parties becoming less responsive there has been a surge of many autonomous non-party movements. The authority of the ruling elite also severely constricted with the rise of Dalit and backward caste movements, women, environmental and sub-regional movements. These movements have questioned the social and development policies of the state.
In Pakistan, it resulted in perennial military dictatorships with short honeymoons in constitutional experiments which never fructified in any meaning full democratic rights to the people. The state in Pakistan dominated by the nexus between military, bureaucracy and landed aristocracy never allowed civil society to grow. It has also resulted in communal strife such as massacre of Mujaahirs in Karachi, Sunnis in Punjab region of Pakistan.
Though Sri Lanka experienced fairly a better democratic institutional set up, the society has been wrought with a massive ethnic violence since the early 1980s. The Tamil nationalism in Sri Lanka seriously challenges the credentials of the state. The Bangladesh experience is no different from other countries. Though it is a country of recent origins, it could never establish strong democratic institutions because of violent changes in the political establishment. Bangladesh with its lowest amenities to the people.
In Nepal and Bhutan with their monarchical legacies, the human rights were the biggest casualty. The Maoists violence in Nepal and refugee problem of Bhutan could be a good example of the way the human rights are shaped.

Q.7.Describe the consequences of liberalization and SAPs in Bangladesh.
Ans. Bangladesh since its liberation in December 1971 followed the path of ‘inward looking’ or ‘import substitution’. The fall out of this policy was that the country suffered low growth rate and the industrial and manufacturing sector registered a modest growth. The emphasis of industrial and trade policy was on development of traditional industries such as jute products, textiles, readymade cotton garments, etc. Against the background of oddest economic performance, Bangladesh decided to launch economic reforms and adopted the policy of SAPs in 1990. Bangladesh announced a new policy in 1999 which emphasis expansion of the industrial base with higher participation of private sector, including foreign investors.
The launching of liberalisation and SAPs has helped the economy at attract FDI. The amount of FDI inflows which was almost negligible until 1991 has gone upto US Dollar 280 million in 2,000. The FDI is mainly attracted in the field of exploration of energy (oil gas and petroleum products) and development of physical infrastructure like ports, road, electricity, telecommunication etc. So far the impact of the liberalisation and SAPs on Bangladesh economy is positive in the sense that the growth rate has been accelerated and per capita income has increased. However, the distribution of national income on public goods is unsatisfactory. The government expenditures on education, health etc. are inadequate to transform social sector into an efficient sector, which is essential to attain sustainable development in the longer period. Although military expenditure apparently looks within the limit, there is need to reduce it to less than 1% of the GNP; that would help to raise the allocation of resources on other developmental heads.

Q.8.Why is South Asia termed as a nuclear flash point?
Ans. Nuclear issue began to impinge on South Asian security, in the context of Indo-Pakistan relations. India, Pakistan suspicion, fear and insecurity. While India nuclear capability was demonstrated as early as the mid-1970s, when it conducted a Peaceful Nuclear Explosion, it preferred to maintain nuclear ambiguity. The raison deter of nuclear programmes of India and Pakistan has been different, India pointing to security threats from China and the nuclear monopoly of the big five while Pakistan pointing figures at India itself. However, the shared perceptions between the two new nuclear weapons states have been that nuclear weapons would grantee national security and provide an element of stability in bilateral relations.
The most important of nuclearisation has been felt in the area of regional peace and stability. The rapprochement between the two countries that was evident from events of that followed the tests – the 10th SAARC summit, the bus diplomacy between the two countries and the labour declaration-suggested that mutual deterrence has come to prevail between two new nuclear weapons states. However, the rapprochement was shattered by a limited war, the Kargil conflict, and the military take-over in Pakistan by General Perves Musharraf. Pakistan also did not dilute its strategy of using Islamist extremism as an instrument of the State Policy. The Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir remained the prime target of this strategy, and of the activities of Pakistan-based Islamist terrorist groups. The Kargil conflict clearly indicated the failure of deterrence. Thus, while the existence of nuclear weapons appear to have diminished the probabilities of large-scale conventional wars, a range of ‘non-standard’, ‘irregular’ or low intensity wars have become the most prevalent manifestations of confrontation between India and Pakistan. South Asia remains thus, the most dangerous region, a nuclear Flash point, as a limited was could escalate into a nuclear conflict or terrorist activities could trigger off a chain of actions leading to the use of nuclear weapons.

Q.10.Discuss the status of ethnic minorities in Pakistan.
Ans.The ethnic composition of Pakistan in mid-1990s roughly corresponds to the linguistic distribution of the population, at least among the largest groups. 59.1 percent of Pakistan identity themselves as Punjabi’s, 13.8 percent as Pokhran, 12.1 percent Pakistanis as Sindhi, 7.7 percent as ‘Mujaahirs’ 4.3 percent as Baluch, and 3 percent as members of other ethnic groups. Each group is primarily concentrated in its home province, with most ‘Mujaahirs’ residing in urban Sindh.
Punjabis predominate in the upper echelons of the military and civil service and in large part run the central government. This situation is resented by many Pakistanis and Baluch and particularly by the Sindhis who are underrepresented in the public sector. There was considerable upheaval in Sindh in the years following Partition. Millions of Hindus and Sikhs left for India and were replaced by roughly seven million ‘Mujaahirs’ who took position of the fairly well educated emigrant Hindus and Sikhs in the commercial life of province later the ‘Mujaahirs’ provided the political basis of the Refugee Peoples Movement. The North-West Frontier Province is closely identified with ‘Pashtuns’ one of the largest tribal groups in the world. Since 1980s many ‘Pashtuns’ have entered the policy forces, civil service and military and have virtually taken over the country’s transportation network. ‘Baluchis’ are another important ethnic minority belonging to the frontier region. Like ‘Pashtuns’, the ‘Baluchis’ also resisted joining Pakistan. The ‘Baluch’ labors demanded autonomy within a federal structure of Pakistan. Their main problem today has been that of preserving a separate ‘Baluch’ identity against the Punjabi domination. The ‘Ahamdiya’ may be viewed a separate ethnic minority in Pakistan in view of their district religious faith for which they have been declared non-Muslim by the Government of Pakistan. During colonial Period ‘Ahamdiya’ occupied high positions in bureaucracy and army. When the ‘Ahamdiya’ tried to promote idea of their sect, this was strongly opposed by the fundamentalists who had strong resentment against the ideology of ‘Ahamdiya’
Political development in Pakistan has been characterized by the assertion of ethnic minorities in different ways and directions. Hence ethnicity has been major destabilizing factor in the domestic politics of Pakistan. The minority ethnic communities have been struggling against the majority Punjabi domination. The problems of ethnic minority groups have been to maintain its identity and to secure socio-economic and political benefits from the State on an equitable basis.


(C) SCQ: Write a short notes on any two of the following in about 50 words each.
(1)Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.
Ans.In the early years after Independence Sri Lanka was referred to as a Model Colony not only because independence was negotiated smoothly between the British Officers and Ceylonese nationalists, but also because of the apparent communal harmony. It was believed that the country would soon attain political stability and the major ethnic groups would get integrated into one nation. Since then, however, the chasm between the Sinhalese and the Tamils, the two major ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, has widened. The extremist Tamil groups have begun to demand a separate state of Tamil Elam and have been carrying out a prolonged guerrilla struggle. The violence unleashed by the Tamil guerrillas and the counter-violence by Sri Lankan army has made Sri Lanka one of the notorious ‘killing fields’ of South Asia.

(2) India-Bhutan relations.
Ans.From history, Indo-Bhutan relations were good in many perspectives. In 1947, Bhutan participated in the Asian Relations Conference held in New Delhi. Later the king of Bhutan visited India to seek assurance from the new rulers in India regarding Bhutan’s status and position vis a vis India. It was, however, the visit of the Indian Prime, Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, to Bhutan in 1958 which proved to be the most decisive event which finally led to the end of centuries old policy of isolation. The first step Bhutan took in this direction was to accept the economic and technical assistance offered by India.

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