IGNOU Any Assignments Solve Paper
Assignments Year 2019-2020
Course Code: EPS-06
Assignment Code: Asst/TMA/2019-20
Total Marks: 100
Answer all questions. Try to answer in your own words.
(A) DCQ: Answer the following in about 500 words each.
Q.1.Write an essay on political traditional in East Asia. 
Ans.East Asia cannot really be fully understood if we study its political institutions in a general way. To know political tradition in East Asia, we need to understand the similarities and differences between China, Japan and Korea.
Japan’s heavy cultural debt to China, and Korea’s even closer cultural similarity with its great neighbor can hardly be overemphasized. But there has never been any great danger that Korea or Japan would be entirely absorbed into Chinese political unit, as were the Gang Valley and South China. They have always, for various reasons, remained clearly separate. In comparison with people from other zones of civilization, the Chinese, the Koreans and Japanese are all unmistakably East Asian in temperament. Yet they have developed sharply contrasting national personalities, which probably explain the variance in their political cultures. The Koreans seem same what volatile in contrast to the relaxed but persistent Chinese and the more tensely controlled Japanese.
Not much is known about the social and political organisation of the early Korean tributes but like most other North Asian people, they seemed to have been ruled by aristocratic hereditary leaders and the Japanese may originally have been a matriarchy.
Around the fourth century B.C. Korea’s pre-agricultural, tribal culture was upset by new waves of influence from China. By the third century the State of the Yen in north-east China had begun to exert its direct political and cultural influence over north-western Korea. It was here that the first true state took shape by third century B.C. It was called Chosen. Chinese influence was intensified in the later period. Several Chinese colonies were set up in Korea and they lasted for more than four centuries despite several changes in dynasty within China. Although the later Kingdoms of Korea were not the direct political heirs of these foreign colonies, they derived much of their culture, from contact with the outposts of the Chinese civilization. This may be one of the chief reasons why the Koreans were able to create a well organised and unified national State bearing resemblance to the Chinese State system. Korea’s close cultural connections with early Japan are also quite evident but Chinese culture and ideas, over the centuries, gradually penetrated even to remote areas of Korea. It was possibly under Chinese influence that by the fifth century A.D. leadership became dynastic and a number of reforms in early sixth century were clearly inspired by china. Chinese type legal codes and Chinese calendar system were also adopted. As is well-known, Buddhism too entered Korea Via China. In the Seventh century A.D., the Tang emperors of china attempted to colonised Korea but failed to do so. The Chinese had to accept it as a tributary with autonomous status. Borrowing from the Chinese political and cultural traditions persisted for a very long time.
Pre modern Japan had been a feudal state for a long time. Life was characterized by emphasis or class and heredity and in the provinces (as opposed to townships) centered around private and agricultural estates or manors. A remarkable characteristic of traditional Japan was the emergence of a rural military aristocracy. Every time the power of central government declined, the total leaders, descended from off-shoots of the imperial family and the court nobility as well as the aristocracy, took over actual control of their respective regions. As early as eleventh century, leaders in rural Japan had become clearly a warrior aristocracy.
In the thirteen century, Japan was threatened by the Mughal invasion, Kublai Khan, The Mongol conqueror demanded that the Japanese enter into a tributary relationship with him. Though they were terrified yet they refused to bow to the Mongols. Twice the Mongols attempted a novel-military expedition to subjugate Japan but on both occasions they found the Japanese prepared to defend themselves.  Later in history too, we see, Japan very capable to face the onslaught of other powers. Unfortunately, the international policies of the nineteenth century almost forced Japan to become a colonizer after it had successfully evaded becoming a colony itself.
Q.2.Discuss the emigration of Indians to South-East Asia in modern times. 
Ans.The beginning of the nineteenth century witnessed the initiation of the process of mass migration of Indians to South-East Asian countries under the British colonial dictates. Manpower was required by the colonial power for the exploitation of natural resources abundantly found in the countries of South-East Asia like Malaysia, Burmah at work for the cultivation and production of plantation crops like rubber, tea, coffee, coconut, sugarcane and spices. As the indigenous people of South-east Asia were already engaged in traditional farming and were reluctant to shift to plantations, the colonial powers turned to India, which had a large reservoir of cheap labour force.
The colonial economic policy of the British in 19th century had already creates conditions for the mass exodus of Indian overseas. The exploitative colonial policy led to the destruction of the local, indigenous economy, which occurred in two phases. First, there was a “drain of wealth” which resulted in “dislocation of trade and industry” and “recession in agriculture”. In the second phase, Indian handicrafts industry, which was the main source of livelihood to the people of India particularly the artisans, weavers, craftsmen etc. declined due to the invasion of machine made products from the west. As a result of these factors, a large number of Indian population was rendered unemployed. Many preferred going abroad to facing famine and starvation in their own country.
Composition of Indian Population and their occupational patterns: - Whatever may be the reasons for the migration of the Indians to South-East Asia during the colonial period, there is, however, no doubt that those who came were landless or very poor people.
Indians in Malaysia: The Indian labour who came to Malaysia were mostly. Tamil from Madras. The British brought them from India and they worked as Salves on the plantations for growing commercial products such as tea, coffee.
Indians in Burma: Indian went in a large number to Burma during the British colonial rule. The British annexation of lower Burma in 1852 conditioned the great influx of Indians into this delta area of Burma. Indian were required in large number not only to serve administration and army but also as labour force in agriculture and emerging industries.
Indians in Indochina: The migration of Indians to the states of Indochina was not on a large scale unlike in the cases of Malaysia and neighbouring Burma. Indians in search of business trade and employment migrated mainly from the parts of India which were under the French colonial control that is Pondicherry, Karikal and Mahe.
Indians in Singapore: the main bulk of the Indian immigrants came to Singapore in the wake of the establishment of the British colonial rule being fully established over the whole Malay Peninsula and the Island of Singapore.
Indians in Philippines: The first batch of Indian immigrants who moved into the Philippines was those who constituted the British expeditionary force that captured Manila from the Spanish in 1762. Second wave of migrations from Indian to the Philippine being after the British occupation of Sindh and Punjab.
Indians in Indonesia:- In the pre colonial period, the Indian merchants and traders served as a link between the Europeans, the Arabs and the spice growing islands of the Indonesian Archipelago. The second phase of migration of Indians to Indonesia took place in the colonial time when a small number of traders and plantation workers went to Indonesia through Penang.
(B)MCQ: Answer the following in about 250 words each. 
Q.3.Write a note on the first revolutionary civil war in China.
Ans. The failure of 1911 revolution made Sun Yet-Sen a more resolute figure fighter for the just cause. Sun Yet-Sen had great appreciation of the communist leader n China as well as Russia.
As per the advice of Russia he renamed his party as Kumintang and re-organised it as a monolithic party, duly imbibed with the ideology of democracy and nationalism. He opened the door of the party for the communists. Soon Kumintang emerged as a democratic alliance of the workers, peasants and other progressive and anti-imperialist sections of the Chinese people.
In June 1923 the Chinese Communist party held its third party congress which endorsed the policy of alliance and cooperation with the Kumintang. Kuomintang organised its first National Conference in January 1924. The conference also supported the inclusion of the communists as individual members of the party. Now Kumintang’s cardinal policies became “allying with Russia, allying with the Communist Party, and assisting the peasants and workers”.
In May 1924 Sun Yet-Sen founded in Guangzhou the Huangpu Military Academy with the aid and support of Russia and the Chinese Communist Party. Zhou Enlai was appointed as the director of the academy’s political department and some other communists were included as instructors.  Chiang-Kai-Shek was made the director of the academy. Sun Yet-Sen was the precursor of the Chinese revolution. Even while he was sick he had drafted programmes to abolish the warlords and for ending the unequal treaties with foreign powers. Sun Yet-Sen however, died in early 1925. In his will, he pointed out that to win freedom and equality for China among the nations, “we must bring about a thorough awakening of our own people and ally ourselves in a common struggle with these people of the world who treat us on the basis of equality”.
Q.4.Trace the rise of nationalism in Japan in the late 19th and 20th centuries.
Ans. Nationalism was one of the powerful factors that led to the economic, political and social regeneration of Japan in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. At the end of the Meiji era, Japan had been successful transformed from a feudal society into a modern nation. A majority of population had a strong sense of patriotism due to the influence of Kokugaku and Mitogaku.
Kokugaku was successfully an intellectual and cultural movement. It was to denounce in its place the Japanese intellectual tradition derived from a study of the Japanese language and literature. On the other hand Mitogaku movement believed that since the political authority had originally belonged to the Emperor and it had been taken away by Minamoto Yoritomo and his successors, it should be restored to the Emperor once again. Thus, while Kokugaku opposed Confucianism, Mitogaku a synthesis of Chinese principles with Japanese tradition.
Meiji period (1868-1912) witnessed Japan’s transformation from a feudal society into a modern nation and from an island country into a imperial power. The process of creation of modern Japan was hastened because of –
a) Threat of foreign invasion.
b) Problem of national independence and internal unity.
c) European colonial expansion in Asia.
The fear of foreign threat became more accentuated when Japan was forced to sign many unequal treaties by which Japan was obliged to give away extra territorial nights to the European powers. Therefore, Japan was preoccupied with the question of preserving national independence and promoting internal unity. The Meiji leaders were convinced that national unity could be brought about only by diverting the loyalty of the people to national symbols, and by creating a sense of commitment to certain national goals-like certain changes in the economy, politics and social structure of the country.
Q.5.Write a note on the Enlightenment Movement of the independence club in Korea. 
Ans.Englightment Movement of the independence club in Korea is one of the progressive movements of Korea, which helped to transform the country into a modern nation. ‘Independence club’ was formed by the educated elite of Korea, which was a new public organisation.  The main purpose of this organisation formed in 1896, was to work for the social and political awakening of the Korean people. The members of the club took a keen interest in the promotion of public education and helped in the establishment of commerce, medical and military colleges as well as training workshops of foreign languages, carpentry, paper manufacturing, silk weaving and iron, glass, leather and electrical works. They advocated for the education of women, free love marriage and remarriage of widows, and raised their voice against superstition, cruelty and exploitation. The Club strove for opening up the new avenues of livelihood and raising the standard of living of the common masses. It pleaded for the equality of opportunity and the grant of equal civil rights to all citizens. It asserted that all citizens should be entitled to fair and open trial and there should be codification of civil and criminal law. The Club asked for the abolition of cruel punishments such as lynching and deforming the body. It pleaded for the Protection of women and children from inhuman treatment and highlighted the need for providing relief to the farmers and other oppressed sections of the populace.
In political sphere, the club denounced subservience to China and inculcated the democratic ideals in the people It suggested a parliamentary form of government combining the norms of monarchy and democracy for the constitutional development of Korea. The Club provided the political education to the people through the means of public debates, street meeting and mass demonstrations.
Q.6.Elaborate upon the Marcos regime in the Philippines (1972-86).
Ans. Ferdinand Marcos had been president of Philippines for two terms, when he declared Martial law in the country on 23 September 1972. His second term was to expire in December 1973 and under the provision of the old constitutions he could not stand for the third time.
Economic Crisis: Towards the end of Marcos’ Second term, the country was in a critical stage. The gap between the rich and poor had increased. In the Philippines, where seventy five percent of the entire population is dependent on agriculture, old feudal modes of production continued side by side with “capitalist farming”, mainly meant to produce a few cash crops needed by the United States and other capitalist countries. Thus the economy remain mainly agrarian, and more or less, dependent on the United States market for substances.
Whatever limited land reforms were introduced failed to relieve the misery of those who lived in feudal bondage. Industrialization and domestic trade succeeded in enriching only a few. The expenditure of Government was more than its income, only resulting in the diminishing of final reserves. Unmindful of the mass poverty, however, the First Family continued to live in an extravagant style. No wonder, Marcos and his wife Imelda were held directly responsible for all that went wrong in the country.
Student Movement: All sections of the society were restless. The enlightened Filipinos were clamouring for a change in the system, which had become corrupt over the years. The most active critics of Marcos were the students, who played an important role in activating the people by holding demonstrations and protests rallies and by going to remote barrios or villages.
Rama Resolution: A resolution, called the Rama Resolution was introduced in the constitutional convention which sought. To bar Marcos from becoming the Head of State under any form of government. This resolution was rejected by the majority in the convention convincing the critics that it was under the influence of Marcos.
(C)SCQ:Write short notes on the following in about 100 words each.
Q.7.Movement for Democracy in Burma (Myanmar)
Ans. People of Burma (Myanmar) also participated in the movement for democracy in the country. Immediately after the demonetization, there was a fierce student riot in Rangoon, which was ruthlessly suppressed and the Rangoon University was closed. But the disturbances recurred again in March and then in June 1988, while the student protesters were being beaten up by the riot police, ‘Loon Htein’, Ne win was also thinking of some policy reforms to revitalize the economy. The measures he was contemplating were those his prospective foreign donors were insisting on for a long time, that is, to give more facilities to private enterprise and to open the gates of foreign private capital. Presumably there has been a considerable opposition within his party to such a drastic reversal of the earlier policy of autarchy pursued for the last twenty-six years. It was in this context that at a special congress of the party on 23 July 1988. Ne win offered to resign and suggested a referendum to decide whether the single party rule was to continue or not. But this suggestion was over ruled and Sein Lwin, known to be an arch conservative and a strong man within the ruling country, now took over power. Many Burma watchers believe that some liberal occasions and economic reforms would have satisfied the middle classes at this juncture. But when Sein Lwin took over power, this unnerved the people, for he was a man who was behind all repressive acts undertaken during the last twenty six years’ rule by BSPP. He was the brain behind the hated ‘Lon Htein’ which had mercilessly tortured the student protesters on the earlier occasions and this had earned him the reputation of a ‘butcher’. So, his succession was immediately received with massive protests and the tide began to taken its own course. Under pressures, Sein Lwin also declared that he would initiate some liberal economic reforms, like giving more privileges to the private business men or allowing investment of private foreign capital. But there was now a complete credibility gap, as boundless repression also continued simultaneously. The demand for multi-party democracy now took the foreground in the protest movement and its fore runners were the students and the monks. The deal with the situation soon martial law was declared in the whole of the country.
Q.8.Role of big powers in South-East Asia.
Ans. Role of Big Powers in South-East Asia region-South East Asia has been a cockpit of big power rivalries in local conflicts. Given the critical importance of the major powers rule on the question of peace and stability in South East Asia, their perceptions Vis-à-vis the region and vice versa are important.
Till very recently while welcoming Moscow’s interest in forging links with States in the region for the benefits of peace and stability in the region, ASEAN called for Moscow’s efforts in a search for peaceful settlement in Kampuchean problem and its support to Vietnam. Lingering fear and mistrust of China’s motives were there in some countries. Nevertheless, there seemed to be consensus that as a friend or foe, Chine was a “Permanent” factor in the region’s political and economic development. Economically Stronger China had both positive and negative consequences for the region.
Given the memory of Second World War, the prospect of Japan’s expanded security was still a sensitive issue south East Asia. The US Military presence in the region symbolized US commitment to its own as well as the security of South-East Asia. Due to their increasing desire to accelerate their economic growth, the major powers were becoming more attracted to South East Asia. In the eyes of all major powers, South East Asia still retained its strategic role as possible choke points for oil tankers and naval ships travelling between the Persian Gulf and North East Asia.
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